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2015

Menaces d’éclatement en Yougoslavie (Le Monde diplomatique, août 1991)

Face à une situation géopolitique fort imprévisible, il n’est pas étonnant que les gouvernements occidentaux préfèrent miser sur une Yougoslavie unifiée et intacte, bien que cela ait abouti - histoire à l’épreuve - à davantage de haine entre ses divers groupes ethniques. La Yougoslavie « forte et démocratique aux frontières inviolables », comme on le laisse entendre à Bruxelles et à Paris, s’inscrit dans une logique jacobine secondée aujourd’hui par le nébuleux concept de global democracy cher à M. George Bush. Or la démocratie dans un pays multiethnique, en l’occurrence la Yougoslavie, ne veut pas dire grand chose. Dans un pays à composantes ethniques diverses, les droits des peuples prennent souvent le dessus sur les droits de l’homme, de même que les nationalismes sont souvent perçus comme le seul véritable moyen de conquérir la liberté. Pour un Serbe, se définir comme « yougoslave » signifie préserver la Serbie « piémontaise » dans une Yougoslavie centralisée, alors que pour un Croate la seule Yougoslavie acceptable ne saurait être qu’une alliance d’États indépendants. Tous comptes faits, il ne s’agit plus d’un choix entre une Yougoslavie autoritaire et une Yougoslavie démocratique, mais plutôt entre la Yougoslavie et sa dissolution. La démocratisation de la Yougoslavie est en même temps le début de sa fin.

Risky 'Equidistance' : LETTERS TO THE EDITOR (The New York Times, May 31, 1994)

Published: May 31, 1994

Part of the cause of the never-ending quality of the war in Bosnia-Herzegovina lies in the excessive legalism of international organizations. In 1991, when Yugoslavia began to fall apart, Croatia expected the European Community and United Nations to quickly accept its bid for independence, hoping that its international recognition would stave off the looming Yugoslav Army aggression.

The True Culprits in the Balkans (Evening Standard, September 28, 1993)

Evening Standard 28 September 1993

The True Culprits in the Balkans The race for victim status in Bosnia-Herzegovina appears to be over. The Serbs, as the main aggressors and initial perpetrators of “ethnic cleansing” hardly qualify. The international press has obviously decided that the Croats do not qualify either, despite the fact that the Bosnian Croats have lost considerable territory to the Moslems since the break-up of their alliance. The Moslems seem to have realised, after months of hope, that the international community is unwilling to help them take on their real enemies, the Serbs. Consequently, they have turned on their former allies, the Croats. This is clearly demonstrated by the fact that the lines between the Croats and Moslems have moved exclusively in the Moslem’s favour, resulting in more than 100,000 Croatian refugees and displaced persons from Bosnia-Herzegovina. While the Press and international organisations have free access to Moslem fighters in Croat POW camps – thanks to the vigorous intervention of Croatia’s Foreign Minister, Mr. Mate Granic – the fate of thousands of Croats in similar Moslem camps remains unknown. The current goals of the Moslem side have been made clear by their spokesman, Chuck Sudetic, recently quoted in the New York Times: “The international community will recognise our right to the territories we win. The international community has said in no uncertain terms that it is ready to legitimise the acquisition of territory by force, and that’s the way it will be in the future.” He went on to state that while the Serbs were too strong to fight against, the Croats were weak. Unfortunately, it is this recent Moslem calculation which has precipitated Croat-Moslem fighting in Bosnia-Herzegovina, no Croatian aggression. Fighting between Moslems and the Croats would never have erupted had the international community reacted promptly to early Serbian aggression against both of those communities. Maybe by the time this conflict spreads throughout the Balkans, Europe and the world will finally figure out who the real culprit is.

Tudjman No Threat : LETTERS TO THE EDITOR (The New York Times, October 2, 1996)

Regarding "The Biggest Threat to Bosnia Isn't the Serbs" (Opinion, Sept. 23) by Jim Hoagland:

Mr. Hoagland's piece about Croatia and its president, Franjo Tudjman, lacks substance. What evidence does he provide to back up the assertion by an anonymous former American diplomat that Mr. Tudjman is "the most dangerous person for Bosnia's future"? None.

The Croatian Record : LETTERS TO THE EDITOR (The New York Times, December 3, 1993)

Published: December 3, 1993

Regarding the editorial "Bad Memories of Croatia" (Nov. 16):

Some foreign journalists have criticized Croatia for its alleged drift toward neo-fascism. A number of well-meaning television and newspaper correspondents have accused the Croatian president, Franjo Tudjman, of reviving the Ustashe-fascist legacy of World War II Croatia. This hearsay flies in the face of the truth and needs to be rejected.

Does the Truth Lie in the Former Yugoslavia?; Croatian Coin Reborn (The New York Times, June 10, 1994)

Published: June 10, 1994

To the Editor:

On May 30, Croatia introduced a new currency called the kuna. "Kuna" is a Croatian name for marten, a small ferretlike mammal found commonly in some Croatian forests. The introduction of the monetary unit kuna has, unfortunately, led to some controversy and misunderstanding because the monetary unit kuna was also in use in pro-fascist Croatia during World War II.

Friedrich Georg Jünger: The Titans and the Coming of the Titanic Age (The Occidental Quarterly, vol. 14, no. 2, Summer 2014)

Below is my translation of several passages from the last two chapters of Friedrich Georg Jünger’s little known book, Die Titanen (The Titans, 1944).1 Only the subtitles are mine. F. G. Jünger was the younger brother of Ernst Jünger and wrote extensively about ancient Greek mythology. His studies on the meaning of Prometheanism and Titanism are indispensable for a better understanding of the devastating effects of the modern belief in progress and the role of technology in our postmodern societies. Outside the German-speaking countries, F. G. Jünger’s work remains largely unknown, although he had a decisive influence on his renowned brother, Ernst Jünger. Some parts of F. G. Jünger’s other book, Griechische Götter (The Greek Gods, 1943), with a similar topic, and containing also some passages from Die Titanen, were recently translated into French (Les Titans et les dieux, 2013).2

La Croatie : du communisme au mondialisme, Réfléchir et Agir (N°48, automne 2014)

Réfléchir et Agir (N°48, automne 2014) http://www.reflechiretagir.com/commande.html

La Croatie : du communisme au mondialisme Suite à diverses données géopolitiques survenues à la fin de la prétendue Guerre Froide et à la sclérose de la mystique trotskiste, maoïste, castriste, titiste chez les scribes occidentaux, l’irruption des temps politiques dans le monde relativement apolitique de l’homo sovieticus n’a pas tardé à se produire dans les pays communistes créés au lendemain de la Deuxième Guerre mondiale. Cela fut surtout le cas du pays bric-à-brac nommé la Yougoslavie, dont les peuples constitutifs n’ont pas tardé en 1991 à reprendre leur liberté. Pourtant dans l’optique de l’an 2014, le prix de cette séparation fut fort élevé.

Vom Gedenkjahr bis zum Todesjahr, DIE AULA (Graz, Juli & August, 2014)

DIE AULA (Graz, Juli & August, 2014)

www.dieaula.at

Vom Gedenkjahr bis zum Todesjahr

Dr. Tomislav Sunic

Jedes Gedenkjahr bringt die Erinnerung an vergangene Zeiten, die man entweder aufs neue wiederbeleben möchte oder für Andersdenkende als politisch-pädagogisches Jahr der Mahnung anzuwenden versucht. Das deutsche Wort „Gedenkjahr" läßt sich nicht leicht in andere Sprachen übersetzen, und oft ruft dieses Wort bei anderen Völkern schwere Mißverständnisse hervor. Das Wort „Gedenkjahr" wird auf Englisch oder Französisch zu-gleich als „Erinnerungsjahr" und als „Jubiläumsjahr" übersetzt — zwei völlig gegensätzliche politische Begriffe!