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Tomislav Sunić

Tomislav Sunić

Writer, translator and former Croatian diplomat. Born in Zagreb, where he lives and works today. Doctorate in political science from Santa Barbara, and years of teaching at California State University, the University of California and Juniata College in Pennsylvania.

Books in English, French, Croatian, Serbian, Russian and Italian, and essays written over four decades on the European New Right, cultural pessimism, the end of Yugoslavia and the postmodern West.

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Blog posts by Tomislav Sunić

  • 13 min read

Fatal Antigone: Between Modern Lawfare and Cursed Heredity

Authors and their literary heroes are always subject to conflicting interpretations in different historical contexts. Sophocles’ tragedy Antigone was performed quite differently in the Greek city state of fifth-century Greece than it is in contemporary versions crafted by modern producers and directors beholden to modern literary critics. The story of the mythical and rebellious princess Antigone raises a haunting question whether all we have learned so far from our Western cultural treasure trove, be it from Homer’s epics, Biblical proverbs, or from Shakespeare’s verses, or for that matter from the US Constitution, is just apocryphal nonsense or perhaps a conman job resulting in a terrible waste of time for gullible readers and theater audiences. Projecting our modes of conceptualization into the mindset of our distant ancestors is a game of wishful thinking.

  • 15 min read

Mnemosyne and Lethe; The Culture of Remembrance and Oblivion in the Western System

The Occidental Observer, November 2021.

The Culture of remembrance shapes the political foundation of every state in the world. When addressing the culture of remembrance in Germany, what crosses one’s mind immediately is the Allied-prescribed collective memory for the German people installed at the end of World War II. The psychological roots of this post-war culture of remembrance and its significance for the Germans, as well as for other peoples in Europe, go back deep into their past. Why does the culture of remembrance, as opposed to the culture of oblivion, play such a prominent role in Germany, but also to a lesser extent in the whole of the West—as if the real course of world history must have started in the aftermath of 1945?

A QUAND LA DÉCADENCE FINALE ? DE SALLUSTE ET JUVÉNAL À NOS JOURS, Terre et Peuple (Publié le 26 mars 2019)

Les Anciens, c’est à dire nos ancêtres gréco-germano-gallo-slavo-illyro-romains, étaient fort conscients des causes héréditaires de la décadence quoiqu’ils attribuassent à cette notion des noms fort variés. La notion de décadence, ainsi que sa réalité existent depuis toujours alors que sa dénomination actuelle ne s’implante solidement dans la langue française qu’au XVIIIème siècle, dans les écrits de Montesquieu.1 Plus tard, vers la fin du XIXème siècle, les poètes dits « décadents », en France, étaient même bien vus et bien lus dans les milieux littéraires traditionalistes, ceux que l’on désigne aujourd’hui, de façon commode, comme les milieux « d’extrême droite ». Par la suite, ces poètes et écrivains décadents du XIXème siècle nous ont beaucoup marqué, malgré leur mœurs souvent débridées, métissées, alcoolisées et narcotisées, c’est-à-dire malgré leur train de vie décadent.2

When is the final decadence coming? From Sallust and Juvenal to the present (Part 1), TOO. April 5, 2019

The Ancients, that is, our Greco-German-Gallo-Slavo-Illyro-Roman ancestors, were well aware of hereditary causes of decadence, although they attributed to this notion different names. The idea of decadence, let alone its reality, has always been present, although its current denomination came first into the French language by the eighteenth century in the writings of Montesquieu.1 Later on, toward the end of the nineteenth century, the so-called “decadent” poets in France were a favorite and highly praised genre in traditionalist literary circles, labelled today in a somewhat derogatory way as “far-right circles.” Subsequently, these so-called decadent poets and writers started to exert a considerable influence on many right-wing rebels despite their own often unbridled, transracial, alcoholic and narcotized manners, or simply put, despite their decadent lifestyles.2

When is the final decadence coming? from Sallust and Juvenal to the present (Part 2) TOO April 7, 2019

Interpretations of any text, on any social subject and at any time, including the interpretation of the verses by the Roman poet Juvenal, are also the mirror image of the dominant political ideas — the dominant zeitgeist. But who will control the interpreter if many Western dissident thinkers today are forced to follow the pedagogical ukases set up by politicians after the end of World War II? In this respect one could cite Juvenal and his famous verse in the Sixth satire: “Quis custodet ipsos custodes.” Who will guard the guardians?, or better yet who will control the architects of today’s newspeak which is raging in the Western universities and in the mass media?

What to read? (Part 5) A White Character Survey: Envy in Politics and Literature (Part 1)

Among Europeans, since antiquity, envy and jealousy have been main driving forces in the political process, resulting in a treasure trove of different literary genres. All European languages make a fine distinction between envy and jealousy, although both notions often overlap. The Germans have an additional nuanced word for this character aberration, i.e. “Schadenfreude,” a compound noun literally meaning when someone rejoices over someone else’s bad luck.

What to read? (Part 6): A White Character Survey; Envy in Literature and Politics (Part 2)

Physical blindness and the verdict of ignorance, meted out to envious politicians in Dante’s epic poem, can often be bliss. Eyelessness can have advantages, as demonstrated by the blind, poor, uneducated, self-effacing, albeit very intelligent seer, Tiresias, who is brought to the court of King Oedipus, only to announce to him his eyeless future of blind destiny (vv 364-377).

Es leben meine Toten! (Die Antifa-Dämonologie und die kroatische Opferlehre)

Neue Ordnung (Graz), I/2015

www.neue-ordnung.at

Die dämonologische, mythologische und kriminologische Schilderung Kroatiens im Zweiten Weltkrieg bildet noch immer die Grundlage für die Historikerzunft. Die verzerrte Geschichtsschreibung über Kroatien seitens der ehemaligen Systemhistoriker war die Hauptursache für das entstellte Geschichtsbewusstsein jugoslawischer Völker, was schließlich den Zerfall Jugoslawiens und den anschließenden Krieg in 1991 ausgelöst hatte. Im Lichte der neuen Forschungen, die zum Teil auf forensischen Untersuchungen basieren, deuten heute manche kritische kroatische Historiker, sogar in den etablierten Medien, auf viele fragewürdige Einzelheiten in der Prosa der ehemaligen Systemhistoriker hin. Im heutigen Kroatien, ähnlich wie in der BRD, will die Vergangenheit nicht vergehen. Das Hexenspiel mit Opferzahlen des Zweiten Weltkriegs tobt heftig weiter. Das Ustascha-KZ-Lager Jasenovac und der Schreckensname Ante Pavelić, der Name des Ustascha Staatsführers, der von 1941-45 in Kroatien regierte, wird weiterhin als Sinnbild für das absolute Böse hervorgehoben. Gelegentlich wird sein Name auch in bekannten Weltzeitungen als „einer des größten Massenmörder Europas“ als Warnzeichen gegen alle europäische Nationalisten verwendet. '1

Myths and Mendacities: The Ancients and the Moderns (The Occidental Quarterly, vol. 14, no. 4, Winter 2014–2015)

When discussing the myths of ancient Greece one must first define their meaning and locate their historical settings. The word “myth” has a specific meaning when one reads the ancient Greek tragedies or when one studies the theogony or cosmogony of the early Greeks. By contrast, the fashionable expression today such as “political mythology” is often laden with value judgments and derisory interpretations. Thus, a verbal construct such as “the myth of modernity” may be interpreted as an insult by proponents of modern liberalism. To a modern, self-proclaimed supporter of liberal democracy, enamored with his own system-supporting myths of permanent economic progress and the like, phrases, such as “the myth of economic progress” or “the myth of democracy,” may appear as egregious political insults.